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Page 22
Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they
may arise, have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least
degree of countenance to base and wicked performances;
wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows,
that the King's Speech, as being a piece of finished villany,
deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the
Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of
a nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what may properly
be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass
some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such
new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation,
on that guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps,
it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King's
Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution.
The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than
a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good,
and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous
method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants.
But this general massacre of mankind. is one of the privileges,
and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows them NOT,
they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our OWN creating,
they know not US, and are become the gods of their creators.
The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated
to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it.
Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us at no loss:
And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that He,
who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored Indian,
is less a Savage than the King of Britain.
Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece,
fallaciously called, "THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF _ENGLAND_
TO THE INHABITANTS OF _AMERICA_," hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition,
that the people here were to be frightened at the pomp and description
of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character
of the present one: "But" says this writer, "if you are inclined to pay
compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of,"
(meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act)
"it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince
by WHOSE _NOD ALONE_ THEY WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY THING."
This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask:
And he who can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine,
hath forfeited his claim to rationality an apostate
from the order of manhood; and ought to be considered as one,
who hath not only given up the proper dignity of man,
but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals,
and contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm.
However, it matters very little now, what the king of England
either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every
moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience
beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit
of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an universal
hatred. It is NOW the interest of America to provide for herself.
She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her
duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property,
to support a power who is become a reproach to the names
of men and christians--YE, whose office it is to watch over
the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination
ye are of, as well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians
of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country
uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish
a separation--But leaving the moral part to private reflection,
I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads.
First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.
Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,
RECONCILIATION OR INDEPENDANCE? With some occasional remarks.
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper,
produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men
on this continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet
publicly known. It is in reality a self-evident position:
For no nation in a state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce,
and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive
at any material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is;
and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled
in the history of other nations, it is but childhood,
compared with what she would be capable of arriving at,
had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands.
England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good,
were she to accomplish it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter,
which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce
and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited,
and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries
as independant of each other as France and Spain; because in many articles,
neither can go to a better market. But it is the independance of this country
of Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy
of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity,
will appear clearer and stronger every day.
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