Common Sense by Thomas Paine


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Page 21

Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued
would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things.
When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no
method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from
the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with
which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin.
But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a
CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode
for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it
as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation
and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men
to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember,
that virtue is not hereditary.

It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are
frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, Mr. Cornwall
(one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York
Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but
of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not
with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty.
[Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal
representation is to a state, should read Burgh's political disquisitions.]


TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling
they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons
may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously
as an open and determined declaration for independance. Some of which are,

FIRST. -- It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war,
for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators,
and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America calls
herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed
she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state
we may quarrel on for ever.

SECONDLY. -- It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will
give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that
assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening
the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers would
be sufferers by the consequences.

THIRDLY. -- While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must,
in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The precedent
is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in arms under the name
of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance
and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for common understanding.

FOURTHLY. -- Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched
to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured,
and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress;
declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer,
to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court,
we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her;
at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition
towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them:
Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent,
than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.

Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither
be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us,
and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.

These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but,
like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time
become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared,
the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some
unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to
set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with
the thoughts of its necessity.




APPENDIX



Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet,
or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech
made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed
the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth,
at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time.
The bloody mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing
the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge.
And the Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way
for the manly principles of Independance.

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