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Page 38
Events which are taking place in Bulgaria at this moment give
evidence of the definite decision of King Ferdinand's Government to
place the fate of its country in the hands of Germany. The presence
of German and Austrian officers at the Ministry of War and on the
staffs of the army, the concentration of troops in the zone
bordering on Serbia, and the extensive financial support accepted
from her enemies by the Sofia Cabinet, no longer leave any doubt as
to the object of the present military preparations of Bulgaria. The
powers of the Entente, who have at heart the realization of the
aspirations of the Bulgarian people, have on many occasions warned
M. Radoslavoff that any hostile act against Serbia would be
considered as directed against themselves. The assurances given by
the head of the Bulgarian Cabinet in reply to these warnings are
contradicted by facts. The representative of Russia, bound to
Bulgaria by the imperishable memory of her liberation from the
Turkish yoke, cannot sanction by his presence preparations for
fratricidal aggression against a Slav and allied people. The
Russian Minister has, therefore, received orders to leave Bulgaria
with all the staffs of the Legation and the Consulates if the
Bulgarian Government does not within twenty-four hours openly break
with the enemies of the Slav cause and of Russia, and does not at
once proceed to send away the officers belonging to the armies of
states who are at war with the powers of the Entente.
Similar ultimatums were presented by representatives of France and Great
Britain. Bulgaria's reply to these ultimatums was described as bold to
the verge of insolence. In substance she denied that German officers
were on the staffs of Bulgarian armies, but said that if they were
present that fact concerned only Bulgaria, which reserved the right to
invite whomsoever she liked. The Bulgarian Government then issued a
manifesto to the nation, announcing its decision to enter the war on the
side of the Central Powers. The manifesto reads as follows:
The Central Powers have promised us parts of Serbia, creating an
Austro-Hungarian border line, which is absolutely necessary for
Bulgaria's independence of the Serbians. We do not believe in the
promises of the Quadruple Entente. Italy, one of the Allies,
treacherously broke her treaty of thirty-three years. We believe in
Germany, which is fighting the whole world to fulfill her treaty
with Austria. Bulgaria must fight at the victor's side. The Germans
and Austro-Hungarians are victorious on all fronts. Russia soon
will have collapsed entirely. Then will come the turn of France.
Italy and Serbia. Bulgaria would commit suicide if she did not
fight on the side of the Central Powers, which offer the only
possibility of realizing her desire for a union of all Bulgarian
peoples.
The manifesto also stated that Russia was fighting for Constantinople
and the Dardanelles; Great Britain to destroy Germany's competition;
France for Alsace and Lorraine, and the other allies to rob foreign
countries; the Central Powers were declared to be fighting to defend
property and assure peaceful progress. The manifesto filled seven
columns in the newspapers, and discussed at some length Bulgaria's trade
interests. It attacked Serbia most bitterly, declaring that Serbia had
oppressed the Bulgarian population of Macedonia in a most barbarous
manner; that she had attacked Bulgarian territory and that the Bulgarian
troops had been forced to fight for the defense of their own soil. In
fact it was written in quite the usual German manner.
Long before this M. Venizelos, the Greek Premier, had perceived what was
coming. Greece was bound by treaty to assist Serbia if she were attacked
by Bulgaria. On September 21st, Venizelos asked France and Britain for a
hundred and fifty thousand troops. On the 24th, the Allies agreed to
this and Greece at once began to mobilize. His policy was received with
great enthusiasm in the Greek Chamber, and former Premier Gounaris, amid
applause, expressed his support of the government.
On October 6th an announcement from Athens stated that Premier Venizelos
had resigned, the King having informed him that he was unable to support
the policy of his Minister. King Constantine was a brother-in-law of the
German Emperor, and although professing neutrality he had steadily
opposed M. Venizelos' policy. He had once before forced M. Venizelos'
resignation, but at the general elections which followed, the Greek
statesman was returned to power by a decisive majority.
[Illustration: SCENE OF GREAT ALLIED OFFENSIVE THAT DEFEATED BULGARIA IN
SEPTEMBER, 1918]
Intense indignation was caused by the King's action, though the King was
able to procure the support of a considerable party. Venizelos'
resignation was precipitated by the landing of the Allied troops in
Saloniki. They had come at the invitation of Venizelos, but the
opposition protested against the occupation of Greek territory by
foreign troops. After a disorderly session in which Venizelos explained
to the Chamber of Deputies the circumstances connected with the landing,
the Chamber passed a vote of confidence in the Government by 142 to 102.
The substance of his argument may be found in his conclusion:
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