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Page 61
Now, gentlemen, in view of this subject, in view of the mighty
consequences, in view of the great events which are present before you,
and of the mighty consequences which are just now to take effect, is
it not better to settle the question by a division upon the line of the
Missouri Compromise? For thirty years we lived quietly and peacefully
under it. Our people, North and South, were accustomed to look at it
as a proper and just line. Can we not do so again? We did it then to
preserve the peace of the country. Now you see this Union in the most
imminent danger. I declare to you that it is my solemn conviction that
unless something be done, and something equivalent to this proposition,
we shall be a separated and divided people in six months from this time.
That is my firm conviction. There is no man here who deplores it more
than I do; but it is my sad and melancholy conviction that that will be
the consequence. I wish you to realize fully the danger. I wish you
to realize fully the consequences which are to follow. You can give
increased stability to this Union; you can give it an existence, a
glorious existence, for great and glorious centuries to come, by now
setting it upon a permanent basis, recognizing what the South considers
as its rights; and this is the greatest of them all; it is that you
should divide the territory by this line, and allow the people south of
it to have slavery when they are admitted into the Union as States, and
to have it during the existence of the territorial government. That is
all. Is it not the cheapest price at which such a blessing as this Union
was ever purchased? You think, perhaps, or some of you, that there is no
danger, that it will but thunder and pass away. Do not entertain such a
fatal delusion. I tell you it is not so. I tell you that as sure as we
stand here disunion will progress. I fear it may swallow up even old
Kentucky in its vortex--as true a State to the Union as yet exists in
the whole Confederacy--unless something be done; but that you will have
disunion, that anarchy and war will follow it, that all this will take
place in six months, I believe as confidently as I believe in your
presence. I want to satisfy you of the fact.
* * * * *
The present exasperation; the present feeling of disunion, is the
result of a long-continued controversy on the subject of slavery and
of territory. I shall not attempt to trace that controversy; it is
unnecessary to the occasion, and might be harmful. In relation to such
controversies, I will say, though, that all the wrong is never on one
side, or all the right on the other. Right and wrong, in this world,
and in all such controversies, are mingled together. I forbear now any
discussion or any reference to the right or wrong of the controversy,
the mere party controversy; but in the progress of party, we now come
to a point where party ceases to deserve consideration, and the
preservation of the Union demands our highest and our greatest
exertions. To preserve the Constitution of the country is the highest
duty of the Senate, the highest duty of Congress--to preserve it and to
perpetuate it, that we may hand down the glories which we have received
to our children and to our posterity, and to generations far beyond us.
We are, Senators, in positions where history is to take notice of the
course we pursue.
History is to record us. Is it to record that when the destruction of
the Union was imminent; when we saw it tottering to its fall; when we
saw brothers arming their hands for hostility with one another, we stood
quarrelling about points of party politics; about questions which we
attempted to sanctify and to consecrate by appealing to our conscience
as the source of them? Are we to allow such fearful catastrophes to
occur while we stand trifling away our time? While we stand thus,
showing our inferiority to the great and mighty dead, showing our
inferiority to the high positions which we occupy, the country may be
destroyed and ruined; and to the amazement of all the world, the great
Republic may fall prostrate and in ruins, carrying with it the very hope
of that liberty which we have heretofore enjoyed; carrying with it, in
place of the peace we have enjoyed, nothing but revolution and havoc and
anarchy. Shall it be said that we have allowed all these evils to come
upon our country, while we were engaged in the petty and small disputes
and debates to which I have referred? Can it be that our name is to rest
in history with this everlasting stigma and blot upon it?
Sir, I wish to God it was in my power to preserve this Union by
renouncing or agreeing to give up every conscientious and other opinion.
I might not be able to discard it from my mind; I am under no obligation
to do that. I may retain the opinion, but if I can do so great a good as
to preserve my country and give it peace, and its institutions and its
Union stability, I will forego any action upon my opinions. Well, now,
my friends (addressing the Republican Senators), that is all that is
asked of you. Consider it well, and I do not distrust the result. As
to the rest of this body, the gentlemen from the South, I would say to
them, can you ask more than this? Are you bent on revolution, bent on
disunion. God forbid it. I cannot believe that such madness possesses
the American people. This gives reasonable satisfaction. I can speak
with confidence only of my own State. Old Kentucky will be satisfied
with it, and she will stand by the Union and die by the Union if this
satisfaction be given. Nothing shall seduce her. The clamor of no
revolution, the seductions and temptations of no revolution, will
tempt her to move one step. She has stood always by the side of the
Constitution; she has always been devoted to it, and is this day. Give
her this satisfaction, and I believe all the States of the South that
are not desirous of disunion as a better thing than the Union and the
Constitution, will be satisfied and will adhere to the Union, and
we shall go on again in our great career of national prosperity and
national glory.
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