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Page 60
I have endeavored to look with impartiality from one end of our country
to the other; I have endeavored to search up what appeared to me to be
the causes of discontent pervading the land; and, as far as I am capable
of doing so, I have endeavored to propose a remedy for them. I am far
from believing that, in the shape in which I present these measures,
they will meet with the acceptance of the Senate. It will be
sufficiently gratifying if, with all the amendments that the superior
knowledge of the Senate may make to them, they shall, to any effectual
extent, quiet the country.
Mr. President, great dangers surround us. The Union of these States
is dear to the people of the United States. The long experience of its
blessings, the mighty hopes of the future, have made it dear to the
hearts of the American people. Whatever politicians may say, whatever
of dissension may, in the heat of party politics, be created among
our people, when you come down to the question of the existence of the
Constitution, that is a question beyond all politics; that is a question
of life and death. The Constitution and the Union are the life of this
great people--yes, sir, the life of life. We all desire to preserve
them, North and South; that is the universal desire. But some of the
Southern States, smarting under what they conceive to be aggressions of
their Northern brethren and of the Northern States, are not contented to
continue this Union, and are taking steps, formidable steps, towards a
dissolution of the Union, and towards the anarchy and the bloodshed, I
fear, that are to follow. I say, sir, we are in the presence of great
events. We must elevate ourselves to the level of the great occasion. No
party warfare about mere party questions or party measures ought now
to engage our attention. They are left behind; they are as dust in the
balance. The life, the existence of our country, of our Union, is
the mighty question; and we must elevate ourselves to all those
considerations which belong to this high subject.
I hope, therefore, gentlemen will be disposed to bring the sincerest
spirit of conciliation, the sincerest spirit and desire to adjust all
these difficulties, and to think nothing of any little concessions of
opinions that they may make, if thereby the Constitution and the country
can be preserved.
The great difficulty here, sir--I know it; I recognize it as the
difficult question, particularly with the gentlemen from the North--is
the admission of this line of division for the territory, and the
recognition of slavery on the one side, and the prohibition of it on the
other. The recognition of slavery on the southern side of that line is
the great difficulty, the great question with them. Now, I beseech you
to think, and you, Mr. President, and all, to think whether, for such
a comparative trifle as that, the Union of this country is to be
sacrificed. Have we realized to ourselves the momentous consequences of
such an event? When has the world seen such an event? This is a mighty
empire. Its existence spreads its influence throughout the civilized
world. Its overthrow will be the greatest shock that civilization and
free government have received; more extensive in its consequences; more
fatal to mankind and to the great principles upon which the liberty of
mankind depends, than the French revolution with all its blood, and with
all its war and violence. And all for what? Upon questions concerning
this line of division between slavery and freedom? Why, Mr. President,
suppose this day all the Southern States, being refused this right;
being refused this partition; being denied this privilege, were to
separate from the Northern States, and do it peacefully, and then were
to come to you peacefully and say, "let there be no war between us;
let us divide fairly the Territories of the United States"; could the
northern section of the country refuse so just a demand? What would you
then give them? What would be the fair proportion? If you allowed them
their fair relative proportion, would you not give them as much as is
now proposed to be assigned on the southern side of that line, and would
they not be at liberty to carry their slaves there, if they pleased? You
would give them the whole of that; and then what would be its fate?
Is it upon the general principle of humanity, then, that you (addressing
Republican Senators) wish to put an end to slavery, or is it to be urged
by you as a mere topic and point of party controversy to sustain party
power? Surely I give you credit for looking at it upon broader and
more generous principles. Then, in the worst event, after you have
encountered disunion, that greatest of all political calamities to the
people of this country, and the disunionists come, the separating States
come, and demand or take their portion of the Territories, they can
take, and will be entitled to take, all that will now lie on the
southern side of the line which I have proposed. Then they will have
a right to permit slavery to exist in it; and what do you gain for the
cause of anti-slavery? Nothing whatever. Suppose you should refuse their
demand, and claim the whole for yourselves, that would be a flagrant
injustice which you would not be willing that I should suppose would
occur. But if you did, what would be the consequence? A State north and
a State south, and all the States, north and south, would be attempting
to grasp at and seize this territory, and to get all of it that they
could. That would be the struggle, and you would have war; and not
only disunion, but all these fatal consequences would follow from your
refusal now to permit slavery to exist, to recognize it as existing,
on the southern side of the proposed line, while you give to the people
there the right to exclude it when they come to form a State government,
if such should be their will and pleasure.
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