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Page 25
The Continental system was the cause, if not of the eventual fall, at
least of the rapid fall of Napoleon. This cannot be doubted if we
consider for a moment the brilliant situation of the Empire in 1811,
and the effect simultaneously produced throughout Europe by that system,
which undermined the most powerful throne which ever existed. It was the
Continental system that Napoleon upheld in Spain, for he had persuaded
himself that this system, rigorously enforced, would strike a death blow
to the commerce of England; and Duroc besides informed me of a
circumstance which is of great weight in this question. Napoleon one day
said to him, "I am no longer anxious that Joseph should be King of Spain;
and he himself is indifferent about it. I would give the crown to the
first comer who would shut his ports against the English."
Murat had come to Paris on the occasion of the Empress' accouchement, and
I saw him several times during his stay, for we had always been on the
best terms; and I must do him the justice to say that he never assumed
the King but to his courtiers, and those who had known him only as a
monarch. Eight or ten days after the birth of the King of Rome, as I was
one morning walking in the Champs Elysees, I met Murat. He was alone,
and dressed in a long blue overcoat. We were exactly opposite the
gardens of his sister-in-law, the Princess Borghese. "Well, Bourrienne,"
said Murat, after we had exchanged the usual courtesies, "well, what are
you about now?" I informed him how I had been treated by Napoleon, who,
that I might not be in Hamburg when the decree of union arrived there,
had recalled me to Paris under a show of confidence. I think I still see
the handsome and expressive countenance of Joachim when, having addressed
him by the titles of Sire and Your Majesty, he said to me, "Pshaw!
Bourrienne, are we not old comrades? The Emperor has treated you
unjustly; and to whom has he not been unjust? His displeasure is
preferable to his favour, which costs so dear! He says that he made us
Kings; but did we not make him an Emperor? To you, my friend, whom I
have known long and intimately, I can make my profession of faith. My
sword, my blood, my life belong to the Emperor. When he calls me to the
field to combat his enemies and the enemies of France I am no longer a
King, I resume the rank of a Marshal of the Empire; but let him require
no more. At Naples I will be King of Naples, and I will not sacrifice to
his false calculations the life, the well-being, and the interests of my
subjects. Let him not imagine that he can treat me as he has treated
Louis! For I am ready to defend, even against him, if it must be so, the
rights of the people over whom he has appointed me to rule. Am I then an
advance-guard King?" These last words appeared to me peculiarly
appropriate in the mouth of Murat, who had always served in the advance-
guard of our armies, and I thought expressed in a very happy manner the
similarity of his situation as a king and a soldier.
I walked with Murat about half an hour. In the course of our
conversation he informed me that his greatest cause of complaint against
the Emperor was his having first put him forward and then abandoned him.
"Before I arrived in Naples," continued he, "it was intimated to me that
there was a design of assassinating me. What did I do? I entered that
city alone, in full daylight, in an open carriage, for I would rather
have been assassinated at once than have lived in the constant fear of
being so. I afterwards made a descent on the Isle of Capri, which
succeeded. I attempted one against Sicily, and am curtain it would have
also been successful had the Emperor fulfilled his promise of sending the
Toulon fleet to second my operations; but he issued contrary orders: he
enacted Mazarin, and unshed me to play the part of the adventurous Duke
of Guise. But I see through his designs. Now that he has a son, on whom
he has bestowed the title of King of Rome, he merely wishes the crown of
Naples to be considered as a deposit in my hands. He regards Naples as a
future annexation to the Kingdom of Rome, to which I foresee it is his
design to unite the whole of Italy. But let him not urge me too far, for
I will oppose him, and conquer, or perish in the attempt, sword in hand."
I had the discretion not to inform Murat how correctly he had divined the
plans of the Emperor and his projects as to Italy, but in regard to the
Continental system, which, perhaps, the reader will be inclined to call
my great stalking-horse, I spoke of it as I had done to the Prince of
Sweden, and I perceived that he was fully disposed to follow my advice,
as experience has sufficiently proved. It was in fact the Continental
system which separated the interests of Murat from those of the Emperor,
and which compelled the new King of Naples to form alliances amongst the
Princes at war with France. Different opinions have been entertained on
this Subject; mine is, that the Marshal of the Empire was wrong, but the
King of Naples right.
The Princes and Dukes of the Empire must pardon me for so often
designating them by their Republican names. The Marshals set less value
on their titles of nobility than the Dukes and Counts selected from among
the civilians. Of all the sons of the Republic Regnault de St. Jean
d'Angely was the most gratified at being a Count, whilst, among the
fathers of the Revolution no one could regard with greater disdain than
Fouche his title of Duke of Otranto; he congratulated himself upon its
possession only once, and that was after the fall of the Empire.
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