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Page 10
"You may judge of my surprise," added Fouche, "you who know so well that
formerly the very mention of the Bourbons rendered Bonaparte furious,
when, after perusing the protest, he returned it to me, saying, 'Ah, ah,
so the Comte de Lille makes his protest! Well, well, all in good time.
I hold my right by the voice of the French nation, and while I wear a
sword I will maintain it! The Bourbons ought to know that I do not fear
them; let them, therefore, leave me in tranquillity. Did you say that
the fools of the Faubourg St. Germain would multiply the copies of this
protest of Comte de Lille? well, they shall read it at their ease. Send
it to the Moniteur, Fouche; and let it be inserted to-morrow morning.'"
This passed on the 30th of June, and the next day the protest of Louis
XVIII. did actually appear in that paper.
Fouche was wholly indifferent respecting the circulation of this protest;
he merely wished to show the Emperor that he was better informed of
passing events than Regnier, and to afford Napoleon another proof of the
inexperience and inability of the Grand Judge in police; and Fouche was
not long in receiving the reward which he expected from this step. In
fact, ten days after the publication of the protest, the Emperor
announced to Regnier the re-establishment of the Ministry of General
Police.
The formula, I Pray God to have you in His holy keeping, with which the
letter to Regnier closed, was another step of Napoleon in the knowledge
of ancient usages, with which he was not sufficiently familiar when he
wrote Cambaceres on the day succeeding his elevation to the Imperial
throne; at the same time it must be confessed that this formula assorted
awkwardly with the month of "Messidor," and the "twelfth year of the
Republic!"
The errors which Regnier had committed in the affair of Georges were the
cause which determined Bonaparte to re-establish the Ministry of Police,
and to bestow it on a man who had created a belief in the necessity of
that measure, by a monstrous accumulation of plots and intrigues. I am
also certain that the Emperor was swayed by the probability of a war
breaking out, which would force him to leave France; and that he
considered Fouche as the most proper person to maintain the public
tranquillity during his absence, and detect any cabala that might be
formed in favour of the Bourbons.
At this period, when Bonaparte had given the finishing blow to the
Republic, which had only been a shadow since the 19th Brumaire, it was
not difficult to foresee that the Bourbons would one day remount the
throne of their ancestors; and this presentiment was not, perhaps,
without its influence in rendering the majority greater in favour of the
foundation of the Empire than for the establishment of a Consulate for
life. The reestablishment of the throne was a most important step in
favour of the Bourbons, for that was the thing most difficult to be done.
But Bonaparte undertook the task; and, as if by the aid of a magic rod,
the ancient order of things was restored in the twinkling of an eye. The
distinctions of rank--orders--titles, the noblesse--decorations--all the
baubles of vanity--in short, all the burlesque tattooing which the vulgar
regard as an indispensable attribute of royalty, reappeared in an
instant. The question no longer regarded the form of government, but the
individual who should be placed at its head. By restoring the ancient
order of things, the Republicans had themselves decided the question, and
it could no longer be doubted that when an occasion presented itself the
majority of the nation would prefer the ancient royal family, to whom
France owed her civilisation, her greatness, and her power, and who had
exalted her to such a high degree of glory and prosperity.
It was not one of the least singular traits in Napoleon's character that
during the first year of his reign he retained the fete of the 14th of
July. It was not indeed strictly a Republican fate, but it recalled the
recollection of two great popular triumphs,--the taking of the Bastille
and the first Federation. This year the 14th of July fell on a Saturday,
and the Emperor ordered its celebration to be delayed till the following
day, because it was Sunday; which was in conformity with the sentiments
he delivered respecting the Concordat. "What renders me," he said, "most
hostile to the re-establishment of the Catholic worship is the number of
festivals formerly observed. A saint's day is a day of indolence, and I
wish not for that; the people must labour in order to live. I consent to
four holidays in the year, but no more; if the gentlemen from Rome are
not satisfied with this, they may take their departure."
The loss of time seemed to him so great a calamity that he seldom failed
to order an indispensable solemnity to be held on the succeeding holiday.
Thus he postponed the Corpus Christi to the following Sunday.
On Sunday, the 15th of July 1804, the Emperor appeared for the first time
before the Parisians surrounded by all the pomp of royalty. The members
of the Legion of Honour, then in Paris, took the oath prescribed by the
new Constitution, and on this occasion the Emperor and Empress appeared
attended for the first time by a separate and numerous retinue.
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