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Page 10
At the very outset of his treacherous career, Zebek-Dorchi
was sagacious enough to perceive that nothing
could be gained by open declaration of hostility to the
reigning prince: the choice had been a deliberate act on
the part of Russia, and Elizabeth Petrowna was not the 15
person to recall her own favors with levity or upon slight
grounds. Openly, therefore, to have declared his enmity
toward his relative on the throne, could have had no effect
but that of arming suspicions against his own ulterior
purposes in a quarter where it was most essential to his 20
interest that, for the present, all suspicions should be
hoodwinked. Accordingly, after much meditation, the
course he took for opening his snares was this:--He
raised a rumor that his own life was in danger from the
plots of several Saissang (that is, Kalmuck nobles), who 25
were leagued together under an oath to assassinate him;
and immediately after, assuming a well-counterfeited alarm,
he fled to Tcherkask, followed by sixty-five tents.
From this place he kept up a correspondence with the
Imperial Court, and, by way of soliciting his cause more 30
effectually, he soon repaired in person to St. Petersburg.
Once admitted to personal conferences with the cabinet,
he found no difficulty in winning over the Russian councils
to a concurrence with some of his political views,
and thus covertly introducing the point of that wedge
which was finally to accomplish his purposes. In particular,
he persuaded the Russian Government to make a
very important alteration in the constitution of the Kalmuck
State Council which in effect reorganized the whole 5
political condition of the state and disturbed the balance
of power as previously adjusted. Of this council--in
the Kalmuck language called Sarga--there were eight
members, called Sargatchi; and hitherto it had been the
custom that these eight members should be entirely subordinate 10
to the Khan; holding, in fact, the ministerial
character of secretaries and assistants, but in no respect
ranking as co-ordinate authorities. That had produced
some inconveniences in former reigns; and it was easy
for Zebek-Dorchi to point the jealousy of the Russian 15
Court to others more serious which might arise in future
circumstances of war or other contingencies. It was
resolved, therefore, to place the Sargatchi henceforward
on a footing of perfect independence, and, therefore (as
regarded responsibility), on a footing of equality with the 20
Khan. Their independence, however, had respect only
to their own sovereign; for toward Russia they were
placed in a new attitude of direct duty and accountability
by the creation in their favor of small pensions (300
roubles a year), which, however, to a Kalmuck of that 25
day were more considerable than might be supposed,
and had a further value as marks of honorary distinction
emanating from a great empress. Thus far the purposes
of Zebek-Dorchi were served effectually for the moment:
but, apparently, it was only for the moment; since, in 30
the further development of his plots, this very dependency
upon Russian influence would be the most serious
obstacle in his way. There was, however, another point
carried, which outweighed all inferior considerations, as
it gave him a power of setting aside discretionally whatsoever
should arise to disturb his plots: he was himself
appointed President and Controller of the Sargatchi.
The Russian Court had been aware of his high pretensions 5
by birth, and hoped by this promotion to satisfy
the ambition which, in some degree, was acknowledged
to be a reasonable passion for any man occupying his
situation.
Having thus completely blindfolded the Cabinet of
Russia, Zebek-Dorchi proceeded in his new character to 10
fulfil his political mission with the Khan of the Kalmucks.
So artfully did he prepare the road for his favorable
reception at the court of this prince that he was at once
and universally welcomed as a public benefactor. The
pensions of the councillors were so much additional wealth 15
poured into the Tartar exchequer; as to the ties of dependency
thus created, experience had not yet enlightened
these simple tribes as to that result. And that he himself
should be the chief of these mercenary councillors was so
far from being charged upon Zebek as any offence or any 20
ground of suspicion, that his relative the Khan returned
him hearty thanks for his services, under the belief that
he could have accepted this appointment only with a view
to keep out other and more unwelcome pretenders, who
would not have had the same motives of consanguinity or 25
friendship for executing its duties in a spirit of kindness
to the Kalmucks. The first use which he made of his
new functions about the Khan's person was to attack the
Court of Russia, by a romantic villainy not easily to be
credited, for those very acts of interference with the 30
council which he himself had prompted. This was a
dangerous step: but it was indispensable to his farther
advance upon the gloomy path which he had traced out
for himself. A triple vengeance was what he meditated:
1, upon the Russian Cabinet, for having undervalued his
own pretensions to the throne; 2, upon his amiable rival,
for having supplanted him; and 3, upon all those of the
nobility who had manifested their sense of his weakness
by their neglect or their sense of his perfidious character 5
by their suspicions. Here was a colossal outline of wickedness;
and by one in his situation, feeble (as it might
seem) for the accomplishment of its humblest parts, how
was the total edifice to be reared in its comprehensive
grandeur? He, a worm as he was, could he venture to 10
assail the mighty behemoth of Muscovy, the potentate
who counted three hundred languages around the footsteps
of his throne, and from whose "lion ramp" recoiled
alike "baptized and infidel"--Christendom on the one
side, strong by her intellect and her organization, and the 15
"barbaric East" on the other, with her unnumbered
numbers? The match was a monstrous one; but in its
very monstrosity there lay this germ of encouragement--that
it could not be suspected. The very hopelessness
of the scheme grounded his hope; and he resolved to 20
execute a vengeance which should involve as it were, in
the unity of a well-laid tragic fable, all whom he judged
to be his enemies. That vengeance lay in detaching from
the Russian empire the whole Kalmuck nation and breaking
up that system of intercourse which had thus far been 25
beneficial to both. This last was a consideration which
moved him but little. True it was that Russia to the
Kalmucks had secured lands and extensive pasturage;
true it was that the Kalmucks reciprocally to Russia had
furnished a powerful cavalry; but the latter loss would be 30
part of his triumph, and the former might be more than
compensated in other climates, under other sovereigns.
Here was a scheme which, in its final accomplishment,
would avenge him bitterly on the Czarina, and in the
course of its accomplishment might furnish him with
ample occasions for removing his other enemies. It may
be readily supposed, indeed, that he who could deliberately
raise his eyes to the Russian autocrat as an antagonist 5
in single duel with himself was not likely to feel much
anxiety about Kalmuck enemies of whatever rank. He
took his resolution, therefore, sternly and irrevocably, to
effect this astonishing translation of an ancient people
across the pathless deserts of Central Asia, intersected
continually by rapid rivers rarely furnished with bridges, 10
and of which the fords were known only to those who
might think it for their interest to conceal them, through
many nations inhospitable or hostile: frost and snow
around them (from the necessity of commencing their
flight in winter), famine in their front, and the sabre, or 15
even the artillery of an offended and mighty empress
hanging upon their rear for thousands of miles. But what
was to be their final mark--the port of shelter after so
fearful a course of wandering? Two things were evident:
it must be some power at a great distance from Russia, 20
so as to make return even in that view hopeless, and it
must be a power of sufficient rank to insure them protection
from any hostile efforts on the part of the Czarina
for reclaiming them or for chastising their revolt. Both
conditions were united obviously in the person of Kien 25
Long, the reigning Emperor of China, who was further
recommended to them by his respect for the head of
their religion. To China, therefore, and, as their first
rendezvous, to the shadow of the Great Chinese Wall, it
was settled by Zebek that they should direct their flight. 30
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