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Page 2
�All the experience of past time proves, that the consequence of
allowing civil power to judge of the nature and tendency of
doctrines, must be making it a hindrance to the progress of truth,
and an enemy to the improvement of the world.�
�I would extend these observations to all points of faith, however
sacred they may: be deemed. Nothing reasonable--can suffer by
discussion. All doctrines, really sacred, must be clear, and
incapable of being opposed with success.�
�That immoral tendency of doctrines, which has been urged as a
reason against allowing the public discussion of them, may be
either avowed and direct? or only a consequence with which they
are charged. If it is avowed and direct, such doctrines certainly will
not spread; the principles rooted, in human nature will resist them,
and the advocates of them will be soon disgraced. If, on the
contrary, it is only a consequence with which a doctrine is charged,
it should be considered how apt all parties are to charge the
doctrines they oppose with bad tendencies. It is well known that
Calvinists and Arminians, Trinitarians and Socinians, Fatalists and
Free-Willers, are continually exclaiming against one another's
opinions, as dangerous and licentious. Even Christianity itself
could not, at its first introduction, escape this accusation. The
professors of it were considered as atheists, because they opposed
pagan idolatry; and their religion was, on this account, reckoned a
destructive and pernicious enthusiasm. If, therefore, the rulers of a
state are to prohibit the propagation of all doctrines, in which they
apprehend immoral tendencies, an opening will be made, as I have
before observed, for every species of persecution. There will be no
doctrine, however true or important, the avowal of which will not,
in, some country or other, be subjected to civil penalties.�
These observations bear the stamp of good sense, and their truth
has been abundantly confirmed by experience; and it is the peculiar
honour of the United States, that in conformity with the principles
of these observations, perfect freedom, of opinion and of speech,
are here established by law, and are the birthright of every citizen
thereof. Our country* is the only one which has not been guilty of
the folly of establishing the ascendancy of one set of religious
opinions, and persecuting or tolerating all others, and which does
not permit any man to harass his neighbour, because he thinks
differently from himself. In consequence of these excellent
institutions, difference of religious sentiment; makes here no
breach in private friendship, and works no danger to the public
security. This is as it should be; for, in matters of opinion,
especially with regard to so important a thing as religion, it is
every man's natural right and duty to think for himself, and to
judge upon such evidence as he can procure, after he has used his
best endeavours to get information. Human decisions are of no
weight in this matter, for another man has no more right to.
determine what his opinions shall be, than I have to determine
what another man�s opinions shall be. It is amazing that one man
can dare to presume he has such a right over another; and that any
man can be so weak and credulous, as to imagine, that another has
such right over him.
As it is every man's natural right and duty to think and judge for
himself in matters of opinion; so he should be allowed freely to
bring forward and defend his opinions, and to endeavour, when be
judges proper, to convince others also of their truth.
For unless all men are allowed freely to profess their opinions, the
means of information, with respect to opinions, must, in a great
measure, be wanting; and just inquiries into their truth be almost
impracticable; and, by consequence, our natural right and duty to
think and judge for ourselves, must be rendered almost nugatory,
or be subverted, for want of materials whereon to employ our
minds. A man by himself, without communication with other
minds, can make no great progress in knowledge; and besides, an
individual is indisposed to use his own strength, when an
undisturbed laziness, ignorance, and prejudice give him full
satisfaction as to the truth of his opinions. But if there be a free
profession, or communication of sentiment, every man will have
an opportunity of acquainting himself with all that can be known
from others; and many for their own satisfaction will make
inquiries, and, in order to ascertain the truth of opinions, will desire
to know all that can be said on any question.
If such liberty of professing and teaching be not allowed, error, if
authorized, will keep its ground; and truth, if dormant, will never
be brought to light; or, if authorized, will be supported on a false
and absurd foundation, and such as would equally support error;
and, if received on the ground of authority, will not be in the least
meritorious to its professors.
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