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Page 7
In 1835 Espronceda became an officer in the National Militia. In August
of that year the militiamen were defeated in an unsuccessful revolt
against the Toreno ministry. In 1836 he was equally unfortunate in a
revolt against the Ist�riz ministry. It was then, when pursued by the
police, that a friend secreted him in the safest possible place, the
home of a high police official. Espronceda employed his leisure hours in
this refuge by writing "El Mendigo" and "El Verdugo." Two years later
he traveled extensively through Andalusia engaged in revolutionary
propaganda. He was probably trying to bring about a republican form of
government. In September, 1838, his play "Amor venga sus agravios,"
written in collaboration with Eugenio Moreno L�pez, was produced at the
Teatro del Pr�ncipe. Its success was moderate. The next year, while in
Granada, he and his friend Santos �lvarez were guests of honor at a
literary soir�e. Espronceda's contribution was the reading of "El
Estudiante de Salamanca." This poem was first printed, at least in part,
in _La Alhambra_ for 1839. The great political event of this year was
the ending of the first Carlist war. The victories of the national
troops were celebrated by a huge public demonstration in Madrid on the
national holiday, May 2, 1840. For this occasion Espronceda wrote his
patriotic poem "El Dos de Mayo." Only three days later his volume of
"Poes�as" was placed on sale, and, like Byron, he awoke to find himself
famous. His old teacher Lista wrote a favorable review. From then on
Espronceda was a man of note. The Madrid revolution of September 1
forced an unwilling regent to make Espartero, hero of the Carlist war,
prime minister. A radical sheet, _El Hurac�n_, was accused of attacking
Cristina and of advocating republicanism. Espronceda, though not a
lawyer, was chosen to defend the journal. This he did with complete
success. His speech has not come down to us, but we are told that in it
he appeared in the r�le of an uncompromising republican.
Nevertheless he was soon to compromise. He was now a man of mark, and
the liberal r�gime in power were not slow to see that it would be
advantageous to enlist his services. In November, 1841, he accepted an
appointment to serve as secretary to the Spanish legation at the Hague.
He served in this capacity exactly five days. Arriving at the Hague
on January 29, 1842, he departed for Madrid on February 3. A certain
Carrasco had been elected deputy of the province of Almer�a. He was now
urged to resign to make room for Espronceda. This he did, and Espronceda
was elected and served in his stead. Of course all this had been
prearranged. After his return he continued to hold his diplomatic
position and receive pay for it, a not very honorable course on the part
of one who pled so eloquently for the abolition of useless offices
and the reform of the diplomatic service. In this way the Espartero
government conciliated Espronceda with two offices. Henceforth his
republicanism was lukewarm. Escosura tells us that concern for his
daughter Blanca's financial future had rendered him prudent.
I am inclined to think that Espronceda's biographers underrate his
services in the Chamber of Deputies. The trouble is that in his r�le of
deputy their hero failed to justify preconceived notions regarding his
character. Those who looked for revolution in his speeches found only
sound finance. We seek in vain for anything subversive. There is nothing
suggestive of the lyric poet or even of the fiery defender of _El
Hurac�n_. As a poet he had praised the destructive fury of the Cossacks
who swept away decadent governments. In defending _El Hurac�n_ he had
used the word Cossack as a term of reproach, applying it to those
self-seeking politicians who were devouring the public funds. By this
time he had himself become a Cossack on a small scale. Yet we must do
him the justice to point out that he had had sufficient firmness of
principle to refuse office under Mendiz�bal, Ist�riz, and the Duque de
Rivas. Fitzmaurice-Kelly is possibly going too far in intimating that
he was degenerating into a hidebound conservative and opportunist.
Something of the old reforming zeal survived. Though many
disillusionments may have rendered him less eager for a republican form
of government, his latest utterances show him zealous as ever for social
and economic reform. Espronceda's parliamentary career lasted less than
three months (March 1 to May 23, 1842). One can only wonder that in so
brief a time a man already stricken with a fatal illness should have
taken so able a part in an assembly in which he was a newcomer. Nor
should we complain that his speeches lack eloquence. It is fairer to
give him credit for not falling into the abuse of _palabrer�a_, the
besetting sin of most _diputados_.
His views were sober and sound. Travel had given him a wider
outlook than most of his colleagues possessed. He was the enemy of
_espa�olismo_, wanted his nation to take a prominent part in European
affairs, and no longer to lead the life of a hermit nation. But he is no
jingo. He speaks against the bill to add fifty thousand to the standing
army. Spain had passed through too many upheavals. What she needed to
make her a European power was tranquility and opportunity to develop
financial strength. Give the producing classes their long-awaited
innings. But he is bitter against the magnates of the bourse and those
politicians who legislate to produce an artificial rise in values. The
true policy is to better the condition of the masses, to encourage
agriculture and manufactures: even the construction of railways should
wait until there is first something to haul over them. But manufactures
should not be protected by a tariff. In his speech against the tariff
on cotton he shows himself an out and out free-trader. He praises the
English for their policy of free trade, enlightened self-interest he
deems it, which tends to make the world one large family. As a writer he
had inveighed against commercialism. But he now discerns a future where
commerce shall replace war. He was unable to foresee that in the future
trade was to be a chief cause of war.
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