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Page 28
The state of society in Tennessee and Alabama, observed on our
retreat, calls for no special remarks, except as to its loyalty to
the Confederate usurpation. I am often asked respecting the Union
feeling in the seceded States, and can only answer, that while I was
there I did not see any. My position as an officer was not the most
favorable for finding it if it had existed, still I would have seen
the smallest evidences had they anywhere cropped out around me, as I
was on the lookout for this; and then my last months in the South
were spent among the citizens, where I must have seen any Union
sentiment if it showed itself at all. The truth is, and it should be
stated frankly: the whole people, men, women, and children, were a
unit, cemented together under a high heat in opposition to "the
invaders."
"But were there not many who if they had opportunity would have
proclaimed themselves for the United States Government?" That
question is answered in part by the conduct of most of the
inhabitants in the Southern cities and neighborhoods already
occupied by the loyal troops. Up to this writing, the developments
have not been very encouraging. Yet I doubt not there are some, who
in the depth of their hearts believe Secession wrong, and as a
principle destructive to all government, and who long for the return
of the peaceful and beneficent authority of the Constitution and
laws of the Union; but they are too few and timid to exert the
smallest influence. Nor dare they attempt it. The tyranny of public
opinion is absolute. No young man able to bear arms _dares_ to
remain at home; even if the recruiting officers and the conscription
law both fail to reach him, he falls under the proscription of the
young ladies and _must volunteer_, as I did, though from not quite
the same kind of force. And then, no expression of Union feeling
would be tolerated for a moment. From their stand-point, why should
it? They feel themselves engaged in a death-struggle, to defend
their property, honor, and life. Any hint of Unionism among them is
treachery to all their interests, and, besides, a rebuke upon their
whole rebellion. When the North becomes as deeply and generally
enlisted in the war as the South, and feel it to be a struggle for
existence as keenly as they do, no man here will dare to express
sentiments favoring the people or institutions of Rebeldom.
"But how," I am asked, "how can good and sensible men, and
ministers, even, thus take ground against a beneficent government,
and justify themselves in attempting its destruction?" Among the
facts I have noted in my brief life, one is this: That the masses of
men do not _reason_, but _feel_. A few minds give the cue, and the
herd follow; and when passion takes possession of the heart, its
fumes obscure the brain, and they can not see the truth. A general
impression reiterated in a thousand forms, always affirmed and never
denied, fills the mind, and is believed to be the truth. And thus it
is with the people. "Are they sincere?" Yes, as sincere as ever were
martyrs in going to the stake. This is demonstrated by their whole
conduct; and conduct is the test of sincerity, while it proves but
little as to the righteousness of the cause.
In addition it should be said, the common feeling is, "We are in for
a fight, and must carry it through; there is no hope for us but in
fighting; if we give up now, our institutions are ruined, and we
forever the vassals of the domineering and meddling Yankees." This
the leaders and prominent men feel most acutely, and hence they
will fight to the last, and keep the people up to that point as long
as possible. How long that will be depends upon the will of the
North, as no sane man doubts they have the power, and no loyal man
questions the right. But the spirit, the enthusiasm, the enlistment
of all the people with all their power and resources, are, with the
South, as yet far beyond any thing I have seen North.
I may here state that the Confederate authorities have complete
control of the press, so that nothing is ever allowed to appear in
print which can give information to the North or dishearten their
own men. In this it appears to me that they have an unspeakable
advantage over the North, with its numberless papers and hundreds of
correspondents in the loyal armies. Under such a system it is an
absolute impossibility to conceal the movements of the army. With
what the correspondents tell and surmise, and what the Confederates
find out through spies and informers of various kinds, they are able
to see through many of the plans of the Union forces before they
are put into execution. No more common remark did I hear than this,
as officers were reading the Northern papers: "See what fools these
Yankees are. General A---- has left B---- for C----. We will cut him
off. Why the Northern generals or the Secretary of War tolerate this
freedom of news we can not imagine." Every daily paper I have read
since coming North has contained information, either by direct
statement or implication, which the enemy can profit by. If we meant
to play into the hands of the Rebels, we could hardly do it more
successfully than our papers are doing it daily; for it must be
remembered that they only need hints and scraps of information,
which, added to the antecedent probabilities that our army is about
to proceed to a certain point, will enable them to forecast with
almost absolute certainty the movements of their enemies. Sure am I,
that if a Southern paper would publish such information of their
movements, as do the Northern of theirs, the editor's neck would not
be safe an hour.
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