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Page 3
One day, during a heated discussion in Parliament, a member alluded to a
previous speaker, who had declared himself in favor of supporting
Turkey, as "one of the 'by-Jingo-if-we-do' party."
From that moment the war party was christened the Jingo party, the men
who belonged to it were called Jingoes, and the platform of the party
was "_Jingoism_."
The Russo-Turkish war came to an end, but the word lived on, and now,
twenty years after, we find it in use in our own country, and applied to
our own politics. The word has in fact become a part of our language,
and is incorporated in our modern dictionaries.
The quieter people insist that there is a great deal of Jingoism in the
United States Senate to-day, and that the people who clamor for the
recognition of Cuba are Jingoes, who want war with Spain. Many people
think that the proper course for us to pursue is to let Spain settle her
own affairs her own way.
Every one is most anxious to know what the President intends to do about
Cuba.
It is asserted that he is not at all in favor of the Morgan resolution.
He wants to end the war, but he does not think that is the right way to
go about it. It is said that he will endeavor to bring about a peaceful
settlement of the matter by suggesting that the Cubans be given the
right of absolute self-government, in return for a sum of money which
they shall pay to Spain for her expenses of the war.
If these friendly offices are not accepted, it is said that the
President will intervene in a more determined way.
In the mean while the House of Representatives has also voted in favor
of the Relief Fund for the unhappy Americans in Cuba.
The proper means of distributing the Fund has been considered, and it
has been decided that supplies of food and clothing shall be purchased
here, and sent to Cuba. When the supplies reach Cuba their distribution
will be left in the hands of Consul-General Lee.
A complication has unfortunately arisen, which may delay the giving out
of the relief for a little while.
When it was found that there were some 1,200 American sufferers in Cuba
who needed immediate help, our Government approached the Spanish
Government to see if any objection would be made to the sending of
relief.
Spain, as we have already told you, gave us to understand that there
would be no objection whatever, and the State Department was pleased to
find that no obstacles would be put in the way of the good work.
When the manner of giving the relief was discussed in the Cabinet, it
was decided that as supplies were so scarce in Cuba, and the prices
asked for provisions so high, it would be better to purchase the
supplies in this country, load a ship with them, and send them over.
A difficulty immediately arose. Spain has placed certain Custom-House
duties on this class of goods. Our Government sent to the Spanish
representative, and asked that these duties be remitted, as the goods
were not being sent for sale, but for charity.
The Spanish officers said they were extremely sorry to be unable to
oblige us, but declared that they had not the power to remit the duties.
They said that such action could only be taken by the Spanish Cortes
(the Congress) or by a special decree of the Crown.
They said that owing to the annoyance felt by Spain over the passing of
the Morgan resolution, it would not be safe to ask the Cortes for any
such concession. Such a request would be likely to raise a storm about
Cuban affairs that might overthrow the Ministry, and encourage Carlist
uprisings.
The Spanish Minister declared that it would be just as dangerous to ask
for a Royal Decree. The enemies of the Government would rise against it,
and insist on a change of Ministry.
Whether this statement is true or false, it puts us in the very
unpleasant position of having to pay a large part of our Relief Fund to
the Spanish Customs, or to keep our poor countrymen waiting for the help
they so sorely need until the matter can be arranged.
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