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Page 55
* * * * *
Gentlemen, it will be very well for us all to take a view of all the
phases of this controversy before we come to such conclusions as seem to
have been arrived at in some quarters. I make the assertion here that I
do not believe, in the history of the world, there ever was a nation or
a people where a law repugnant to the general feeling was ever executed
with the same faithfulness as has been your most savage and atrocious
fugitive bill in the North. You yourselves can scarcely point out any
case that has come before any northern tribunal in which the law has not
been enforced to the very letter. You ought to know these facts, and you
do know them. You all know that when a law is passed anywhere to bind
any people, who feel, in conscience, or for any other reason, opposed
to its execution, it is not in human nature to enforce it with the same
certainty as a law that meets with the approbation of the great mass of
the citizens. Every rational man understands this, and every candid man
will admit it. Therefore it is that I do not violently impeach you for
your unfaithfulness in the execution of many of your laws. You have in
South Carolina a law by which you take free citizens of Massachusetts
or any other maritime State, who visit the city of Charleston, and lock
them up in jail under the penalty, if they cannot pay the jail-fees, of
eternal slavery staring them in the face--a monstrous law, revolting
to the best feelings of humanity and violently in conflict with
the Constitution of the United States. I do not say this by way of
recrimination; for the excitement pervading the country is now so great
that I do not wish to add a single coal to the flame; but nevertheless I
wish the whole truth to appear.
* * * * *
Now, Mr. President, I have shown, I think, that the dominant majority
here have nothing to complain of in the legislation of Congress, or in
the legislation of any of the States, or in the practice of the people
of the North, under the fugitive slave bill, except so far as they say
certain State legislation furnishes some evidence of hostility to their
institutions. And here, sir, I beg to make an observation. I tell the
Senator, and I tell all the Senators, that the Republican party of the
Northern States, so far as I know, and of my own State in particular,
hold the same opinions with regard to this peculiar institution of
yours that are held by all the civilized nations of the world. We do not
differ from the public sentiment of England, of France, of Germany, of
Italy, and every other civilized nation on God's earth; and I tell you
frankly that you never found, and you never will find, a free community
that are in love with your peculiar institution. The Senator from Texas
(Mr. Wigfall) told us the other day that cotton was king, and that by
its influence it would govern all creation. He did not say so in words,
but that was the substance of his remark: that cotton was king, and that
it had its subjects in Europe who dared not rebel against it. Here let
me say to that Senator, in passing, that it turns out that they are
very rebellious subjects, and they are talking very disrespectfully at
present of that king that he spoke of. They defy you to exercise your
power over them. They tell you that they sympathize in this controversy
with what you call the black Republicans. Therefore, I hope that, so
far as Europe is concerned at least, we shall hear no more of this boast
that cotton is king; and that he is going to rule all the civilized
nations of the world, and bring them to his footstool. Sir, it will
never be done.
But, sir, I wish to inquire whether the Southern people are injured by,
or have any just right to complain of that platform of principles that
we put out, and on which we have elected a President and Vice-President.
I have no concealments to make, and I shall talk to you, my Southern
friends, precisely as I would talk upon the stump on the subject. I tell
you that in that platform we did lay it down that we would, if we had
the power, prohibit slavery from another inch of free territory under
this Government. I stand on that position to-day. I have argued
it probably to half a million people. They stand there, and have
commissioned and enjoined me to stand there forever; and, so help me
God, I will. I say to you frankly, gentlemen, that while we hold this
doctrine, there is no Republican, there is no convention of Republicans,
there is no paper that speaks for them, there is no orator that sets
forth their doctrines, who ever pretends that they have any right in
your States to interfere with your peculiar institution; but, on the
other hand, our authoritative platform repudiates the idea that we have
any right or any intention ever to invade your peculiar institution in
your own States.
Now, what do you complain of? You are going to break up this Government;
you are going to involve us in war and blood, from a mere suspicion that
we shall justify that which we stand everywhere pledged not to do.
Would you be justified in the eyes of the civilized world in taking
so monstrous a position, and predicating it on a bare, groundless
suspicion? We do not love slavery. Did you not know that before to-day,
before this session commenced? Have you not a perfect confidence that
the civilized world is against you on this subject of loving slavery
or believing that it is the best institution in the world? Why, sir,
everything remains precisely as it was a year ago. No great catastrophe
has occurred. There is no recent occasion to accuse us of anything.
But all at once, when we meet here, a kind of gloom pervades the whole
community and the Senate Chamber. Gentlemen rise and tell us that they
are on the eve of breaking up this Government, that seven or eight
States are going to break off their connection with the Government,
retire from the Union, and set up a hostile government of their own, and
they look imploringly over to us, and say to us: "You can prevent it; we
can do nothing to prevent it; but it all lies with you." Well, sir, what
can we do to prevent it? You have not even condescended to tell us what
you want; but I think I see through the speeches that I have heard from
gentlemen on the other side. If we would give up the verdict of the
people, and take your platform, I do not know but you would be satisfied
with it. I think the Senator from Texas rather intimated, and I think
the Senator from Georgia more than intimated, that if we would take what
is exactly the Charleston platform on which Mr. Breckenridge was placed,
and give up that on which we won our victory, you would grumblingly and
hesitatingly be satisfied.
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