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Page 25
His endeavor seems to be an attempt to whistle to keep up his courage
by defiant assaults upon us all. I am in doubt as to what can be his
object. He has not hesitated to charge three fourths of the Senate with
fraud, with swindling, with crime, with infamy, at least one hundred
times over in his speech. Is it his object to provoke some of us to kick
him as we would a dog in the street, that he may get sympathy upon the
just chastisement? What is the object of this denunciation against the
body of which we are members? A hundred times he has called the Nebraska
bill a "swindle," an act of crime, an act of infamy, and each time
went on to illustrate the complicity of each man who voted for it in
perpetrating the crime. He has brought it home as a personal charge to
those who passed the Nebraska bill, that they were guilty of a crime
which deserved the just indignation of heaven, and should make them
infamous among men.
Who are the Senators thus arraigned? He does me the honor to make me the
chief. It was my good luck to have such a position in this body as to
enable me to be the author of a great, wise measure, which the Senate
has approved, and the country will endorse. That measure was sustained
by about three fourths of all the members of the Senate. It was
sustained by a majority of the Democrats and a majority of the Whigs
in this body. It was sustained by a majority of Senators from the
slave-holding States, and a majority of Senators from the free States.
The Senator, by his charge of crime, then, stultifies three fourths
of the whole body, a majority of the North, nearly the whole South, a
majority of Whigs, and a majority of Democrats here. He says they are
infamous. If he so believed, who could suppose that he would ever show
his face among such a body of men? How dare he approach one of those
gentlemen to give him his hand after that act? If he felt the courtesies
between men he would not do it. He would deserve to have himself spit in
the face for doing so. * * *
The attack of the Senator from Massachusetts now is not on me alone.
Even the courteous and the accomplished Senator from South Carolina (Mr.
Butler) could not be passed by in his absence.
MR. MASON:--Advantage was taken of it.
MR. DOUGLAS:--It is suggested that advantage is taken of his absence.
I think that this is a mistake. I think the speech was written and
practised, and the gestures fixed; and, if that part had been stricken
out the Senator would not have known how to repeat the speech. All that
tirade of abuse must be brought down on the head of the venerable, the
courteous, and the distinguished Senator from South Carolina. I shall
not defend that gentleman here. Every Senator who knows him loves him.
The Senator from Massachusetts may take every charge made against him in
his speech, and may verify by his oath, and by the oath of every one
of his confederates, and there is not an honest man in this chamber who
will not repel it as a slander. Your oaths cannot make a Senator feel
that it was not an outrage to assail that honorable gentleman in the
terms in which he has been attacked. He, however, will be here in due
time to speak for himself, and to act for himself too. I know what will
happen. The Senator from Massachusetts will go to him, whisper a secret
apology in his ear, and ask him to accept that as satisfaction for a
public outrage on his character! I know the Senator from Massachusetts
is in the habit of doing those things. I have had some experience of his
skill in that respect. * * *
Why these attacks on individuals by name, and two thirds of the Senate
collectively? Is it the object to drive men here to dissolve social
relations with political opponents? Is it to turn the Senate into a bear
garden, where Senators cannot associate on terms which ought to prevail
between gentlemen? These attacks are heaped upon me by man after man.
When I repel them, it is intimated that I show some feeling on the
subject. Sir, God grant that when I denounce an act of infamy I shall do
it with feeling, and do it under the sudden impulses of feeling, instead
of sitting up at night writing out my denunciation of a man whom I
hate, copying it, having it printed, punctuating the proof-sheets, and
repeating it before the glass, in order to give refinement to insult,
which is only pardonable when it is the outburst of a just indignation.
Mr. President, I shall not occupy the time of the Senate. I dislike to
be forced to repel these attacks upon myself, which seem to be repeated
on every occasion. It appears that gentlemen on the other side of the
chamber think they would not be doing justice to their cause if they did
not make myself a personal object of bitter denunciation and malignity.
I hope that the debate on this bill may be brought to a close at as
early a day as possible. I shall do no more in these side discussions
than vindicate myself and repel unjust attacks, but I shall ask the
Senate to permit me to close the debate, when it shall close, in a calm,
kind summary of the whole question, avoiding personalities.
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