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Page 31
Such are the necessities and such is the future of the Empire merely as
a problem in what has been called Political Mechanics. We have now, from
the same point of view, to examine very cursorily the present government
of Ireland. The phrasing, let me interpose, is inaccurate. Ireland, in
our day, is not governed; it is only administered. A modern government,
if it wishes to be real, must above all else explain itself. For such
luxuries, so far as Ireland is concerned, there is no time in the House
of Commons. A modern government must exercise active control over every
department of public business. For such an effort there is, so far as
Ireland is concerned, no energy in the House of Commons. Once in a blue
moon it does of course become necessary to pass an Irish Bill, a
University or a Land Bill. The Party shepherds round up their flocks,
and, for a reluctant day or two, they have to feed sparely in
unaccustomed pastures. Or again, as in 1886, 1893, or 1912, Ireland
dominates British politics, and the English members descend on her with
a heavy flop of hatred or sympathy as it may happen. But at all other
times the Union Parliament abdicates, or at least it "governs" Ireland
as men are said sometimes to drive motor-cars, in a drowse. Three
days--or is it two?--are given to Irish Estimates, and on each of these
occasions the Chamber is as desolate as a grazing ranch in Meath.
Honourable members snatch at the opportunity of cultivating their souls
in the theatres, clubs, restaurants, and other centres of culture in
which London abounds. The Irish Party is compelled by the elemental
necessities of the situation to speak with one voice on matters
regarding which there would properly be at least two voices in an Irish
Parliament, precisely identical in personnel. Ulster Unionism presents a
similar solidarity.
Whenever a point of any novelty is made, the Chief Secretary's secretary
slips over to one of the Irish Officials who on these occasions lie
ambushed at the back of the Speaker's chair, and returns with all the
elation of a honey-laden bee. His little burden of wisdom is gratefully
noted on the margin of the typewritten brief which has been already
prepared in Dublin by the Board under discussion, and, entrenched behind
this, the Right Honourable gentleman winds up the debate. Sometimes his
solemnity wrings laughter from men, sometimes his flippancy wrings
tears from the gods, but it does not in the least matter what he says.
The division bells ring; the absentees come trooping in, learn at the
door of the lobby, each from his respective Whip, whether his
spontaneous, independent judgment has made him a Yes! or a No! and vote
accordingly in the light of an unsullied conscience. The Irish
officials, with a sigh of relief or a shrug of contempt, collect their
hats and umbrellas, and retire to their hotels to erase from their minds
by slumber the babblings of a mis-spent evening. And the course of
administration in Ireland is as much affected by the whole proceedings
as the course of an 80 h.p. Merc�d�s is affected by a cabman's oath.
So much for exclusively Irish affairs. When Ireland comes into some
"general" scheme of legislation the parody of government becomes if
possible more fantastic in character. Let me take just three
instances--Old Age Pensions, Insurance, and the Budget. In regard to the
first it was perhaps a matter of course that no attempt should be made
to allow for the difference in economic levels between Great Britain and
Ireland. This is the very principle of Unionism: to apply like methods
to things which are unlike. But in the calculation of details an
ignorance was exhibited which passed the bounds of decency. Mistakes of
five or six per cent are, in these complex affairs, not only to be
expected but almost to be desired; they help to depress ministerial
cocksureness. But in this case there was an error of 200 per cent, a
circumstance which incidentally established in the English mind a
pleasing legend of Irish dishonesty. The Insurance Bill was ushered in
with greater prudence. The "government," recognising its own inability
to lead opinion, had the grace to refrain from misleading it. No special
Irish memorandum was issued, and no attempt was made to adjust the
scheme to Irish social and economic conditions. But Budgets afford on
the whole the capital instance of what we may call legislation by
accident. The Act of Union solemnly prescribes the principles on which
these measures are to be framed, and points to the Chancellor of the
Exchequer as the trustee of Irish interests. But nobody of this
generation ever knew a Chancellor of the Exchequer who had even read the
Act of Union; Mr Lloyd George, on his own admission, had certainly not
read it in 1909. What has happened is very simple. The fulfilment of
treaty obligations required differential taxation, but administrative
convenience was best served by a uniform system of taxation. In the
struggle between the two, conscience was as usual defeated. The
Chancellor, according to the practice which has overridden the Act of
Union budgets for Great Britain, drags the schedule of taxes so fixed
through Ireland like a net, and counts the take. That, in the process,
the pledge of England should be broken, and her honour betrayed, is not
regarded by the best authorities as an objection or even as a relevant
fact. In the more sacred name of uniformity Ireland is swamped in the
Westminster Parliament like a fishing-smack in the wash of a great
merchantman.
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